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Policemen remove boulders placed by rowdy touts along Mutare Road in Zimre Park, Ruwa, on Monday

Tichaona Zindoga
ON Monday, Zimbabwe (and the world) woke up to a “war” between police and crews of commuter omnibuses in three routes in eastern Harare, namely Ruwa, Mabvuku/Tafara and Epworth.

The enmity between these transport operators and law enforcement agents, including local municipal officers is well documented.

In fact, the two sides play what can be called a cat-and-mouse game, which at times has turned fatal with, especially, pedestrians and innocent civilians being caught in the crossfire.

So, ordinarily, a clash like the one that erupted on Monday, which emanated from one rank — the Fourth Street Bus Terminus — should not have raised an eyebrow, though a spectacle it could provide.

However, the spectacle provided a major talking point on Monday and dominated headlines through a mis-framing of it as a political uprising.

It was not.

It was an industrial action by public transport operators unhappy with the proliferation of “too many” police roadblocks.

Many road users have expressed similar concerns about the number of police roadblocks with some so interspersed that one would think that there is an ongoing security situation in the country.

We all have been upset by that.

Kombi crews are bound to feel the heat, given their daily routines and interaction with police some of whom are bent on extorting crews and demanding bribes.

All this has been said before.

We all have witnessed it with something between disgust and horror.

The police have more than once been forced to come to their defence.

Now, when kombi crews of a particular area decide to collectively demonstrate their unhappiness by withdrawing their services and hoodlums and criminals go on to hijack that cause, it shouldn’t be a big surprise.

We have been down that road before and these occasional flare ups, whether instigated by police mounting blitzes on unroadworthy and unlicensed vehicles or by kombi crews themselves for one reason or the other.

Yet on Monday, there were some people trying to tell us that this traditional dispute between police and kombis was political and signalled a “winter of discontent”.

Some opposition elements were posting pictures and statements on social media apparently revelling at the unfolding drama which they thought was the beginning of violent nationwide protests.

The MDC-T officially jumped into the fray with the party’s spokesman Obert Gutu and secretary general Douglas Mwonzora convening a rash press conference in Harare urging their supporters to join in the war between kombis and police.

Gutu said: “As MDC we have absolutely no shame to say here and now, that we fully support all the peaceful demonstrations that disgruntled Zimbabweans have since embarked upon.

“As the situation deteriorates in Zimbabwe, we stand in support of any exercise of their rights in line with the dictates of the Constitution, which gives us the right to demonstrate.

“We, in the MDC support any sector that is embarking in peaceful demonstrations. As a party, we urge all our members, to join any legitimate demonstration that is meant to bring pressure on this regime.

“On our part, as MDC we shall continue to mobilise Zimbabweans against this Government, which must resign because it has failed the people of Zimbabwe.”

You couldn’t miss the opportunism displayed by the party.

The party has been calling for what it calls mass action for the better part of the past two years since their convincing defeat at the hands of Zanu-PF in elections of 2013.

Their attempts to canvass popular uprising has gone unheeded, even though the party has conducted rallies in virtually every town and district in the last two years.

In Harare alone the party has had several meetings, including political rallies disguised as prayer meetings and have tried to use the alleged disappearance of one Itai Dzamara, a journalist-turned-opposition activist.

A rally was held in March, in Harare, to “commemorate” the first anniversary of the alleged disappearance.

The organisers, especially the MDC-T itself, hoped that this gathering would lead to a violent confrontation with authorities and “martyrdom” of the said Dzamara.

It was on that day when Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader, came up with an incredible story of how the supposedly heroic Dzamara was about to expose how elections were “rigged” in 2013.

He said: “I know Itai was somebody who was very knowledgeable about how the 2013 election were (sic) rigged. He told me, and we cannot accept this, especially me.

“I witnessed the abductions of people in 2008 . . . We demand that this government returns Dzamara, whether dead or alive, so that there is closure on this emotive issue.”

After so much going to town about the Dzamara saga, it was apparent that the party had exhausted its political capital on the issue, without anything to trigger an uprising — it was time to move on.

Then came rallies with what Obert Gutu called “mother of all rallies” in Harare on April 14 which did not usher “red revolution” as the capital went about its business not too keen on the histrionics of the opposition party.

That was the day, of course, that Tsvangirai — billed to “lead from the front” only managed to address for no more than FOUR minutes due to poor health which has now debilitated his well-being and possible prospects at the helm of the party.

The party tried to follow up with “nationwide protests” in Bulawayo and Mutare, but they lost the sting due to the leader’s indisposition — not that it mattered anyway.

Then came the protests in Beitbridge last week, over import restriction of certain non essential goods.

The protests were allegedly kick-started by some South African companies who seek to perpetuate Zimbabwe’s over-dependence on South African goods, even when this has had a deleterious impact on Zimbabwe’s economy.

The opposition has been rubbing its hands in glee over what it thinks is a beginning of violent season, which it has hoped for a long time.

Yet the truth is, the opposition does not own the narrative of Zimbabwe and if any group or groups decide on any democratic action — including the constitutionally guaranteed action to demonstrate and petition Government — it must not hijack and poison genuine concerns of the people.

It is then critical that a keen eye be trained on the opposition seeking to cause mayhem to gain political mileage and legitimacy it long lost with the people as expressed in democratic processes such as the elections of 2013.