Chigumbu Warikandwa Correspondent
People always argue that money is the scarcest commodity, but political events in Zimbabwe lately show that there is one other thing scarcer than money. It is power. Because of this quality, power is very difficult to share.
The number of interested persons always outstrips any power there is for sharing. Once dispossessed of power, disgruntlement is bound to seep in. This type of disgruntlement is deepest amongst those dispossessed of undeserved power.
Power is a function of two cardinal ingredients, authority and legitimacy. None of the two can be dropped and expect to create no difference. There are no two ways about it. Rather, any person claiming to have power, but lacking either of the two will be on his way to losing it.
That is the fairy tale of the political functionaries that had taken advantage of former President Mugabe’s natural, social and political weaknesses in his final years in office for no other reason except undeserved gain accruing from usurped political power.
The political discomforts resulting from the correction sponsored by the events of November 2017 have hit hard on the G40 criminals, who lived off stolen power (an act of open treason) and have so mutated into an animal naming itself the New Patriotic Front (NPF).
The thinking within the NPF is very clear of having origins from Zanu-PF. This realisation comes from reading both along and between the lines in their consultation points document leaked to the media 100 hours ago. Coming out clearly in the document is the open intent of the crafters of the document to bastardise a popular Government.
The author of the document attempts to vex political novices by wielding convenient pages from the Constitution, while at the same time ignoring glaring inconsistencies in the manner in which G40 ran its political shop. For starters, it will be important to point out that capture of Government through whatever means is treasonous and punishable at law.
It is not a secret that Cde Mugabe had lost control of Government to significant others, who did not have the constitutional mandate to run the show. Secondly, political power at Zanu-PF headquarters had fallen into the wrong hands too, using para-legal and often times flagrantly unconstitutional means.
The structure of the party had been reduced to a briefcase company. Ignored in the NPF document’s constitutional analysis is whether or not the same Constitution allows certain persons to use quasi-government bodies funds for private political gain.
It also ignored to educate its readers in the consultation document whether or not political rallies can be used as grand juries where accused persons can be acquitted by persons least qualified even to preside over kindergarten toy brawls.
It also ignores to educate readers on whether or not the Kenyan constitution is silent about the looting of private foundations within its territories by international conmen. The pseudo consultative document, clearly designed to misinform the unsuspecting for propaganda ends, conveniently ignores the political mood in the country, new-found freedoms and the expectant hope of reclaiming the soiled jewel – Zimbabwe.
Never in decades has Zimbabwe received so much international goodwill, even from confirmed foes, with the intention to cure the injured relations, which the runaway cabal was utilising to continue fomenting chaos – chaos which they benefited from.
The NPF document compels the reader to read more between the lines than along them. It claims the military should have been deployed by the commander in chief to restore the country’s lost legacy.
How laughable! Should the country then wait for infinity years to see the commander in chief act?
A captured commander is ineffective and it has to take the responsibility of another commander to rescue the country. Putting all hopes on a captured commander will be lack of wisdom. One of the G40 functionaries had, in her wisdom or lack of it, claimed that the past President was going to continue ruling even in his grave. That speaker also claimed the then President would continue leading even in a wheel chair.
These two utterances made it clear that some hidden persons wanted to use the previous President as a means to accessing and practising power, in this regard, his presence, his frail self or his corpse could as well be used as his place holder while the imposters feasted on illegal power.
The question on whether or not Cde Mugabe was muscled out of office can best be answered by the events at Harare International Conference Centre, where his resignation letter arrived, cutting short the impeachment proceedings in the joint seating of the two legislative houses. Earlier, scores of Zimbabweans had exercised their democratic right to demonstrate, peacefully so, according to the dictates of the Constitution.
Parliament has a right to impeach a President. If it fails to garner enough votes in favour of impeachment, no problem. If it succeeds, no problem as well. Is it true that former President Mugabe is a man devoid of his freedoms? Is it not on record that he is receiving executive treatment and perks consistent with a former head of State?
A man lacking freedom does not receive such treatment. So, such propaganda should be spared for those with very little understanding of politics and statecraft. And here is the big one, the NPF talks of “generational renewal in the leadership of political, business, State and Government institutions to ensure a progressive balance between continuity and change.” That is a wise realisation.
This is what Operation Restore Legacy has exactly done, so their complaint is a no brainer.