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Sam Ditshego Correspondent
THE seeds of confusion in South Africa were planted in 1955 with the adoption of the Freedom Charter by Nelson Mandela’s group abandoning the 1949 Programme of Action.

This Freedom Charter was incorporated into the ANC’s new constitution in 1957. The preamble of this country’s constitution was copied from this Freedom Charter.

That group was hitherto referred to as “The Charterists” and those who broke away and formed the Pan Africanist Congress led by Robert Sobukwe are known as the Africanists.

The concerted effort by members of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) to direct and control the African people’s struggle for liberation dates back to the 1920s.

This was indirect conflict to the 1928 Resolution on “The South African Question” adopted by the Executive Committee of the Communist International following the Sixth Comintern congress transcribed by Dominic Tweedie.

This resolution called for, among other things, the establishment of an independent native South African republic.

It further reads: “South Africa is a black country, the majority of its population is black and so is the majority of the workers and peasants.

“The bulk of the South African population is the black peasantry, whose land has been expropriated by the white minority.

“Seven eighths of the land is owned by whites. Hence the national question in South Africa, which is based upon the agrarian question, lies at the foundation of the revolution in South Africa.

“The black peasantry constitutes the basic moving force of the revolution in alliance with and under the leadership of the working class.

“On the leadership of the working class, this issue is debatable because the African people in South Africa were not oppressed as a class but as a nation.”

However, the gist of the resolution sensitises white members of the CPSA to the reality of the situation in South Africa which they ignored and continued to want to place African people or natives under their tutelage and guardianship.

In 1945 the founding president of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL), Anton Lembede, received a letter from Ruth First, Joe Slovo’s wife, inviting the ANCYL to join the Communist Party Youth League which invitation Lembede rejected with the contempt it deserved.

In 1947 the ANCYL was struck by the tragedy of the sudden death of Lembede.

In 1949, the ANCYL adopted the Programme of Action which the CPSA was vehemently opposed to and made sure they undermined and supplanted it with a sellout document in 1955 known as the Freedom Charter.

The Africanists in the ANC wanted to know the origin and author of this preposterous document but never got the answers.

In Young Mandela published around 2010, David James Smith reveals the author of the Freedom Charter as a white man, Rusty Bernstein, who was a member of both the Communist Party and Congress of Democrats.

Why is the native South African still economically handicapped in spite of the country being independent?

To answer that question, we should go back to the secret negotiations that Mandela and the ANC clinched with the white colonial minority government and its imperialist backers starting in 1981 according to Mandela in his book “Long Walk to Freedom” and in the mid-1980s on the part of some ANC members according to John Pilger’s book “Freedom Next Time” in a chapter titled”Apartheid Did Not Die” published in 2008.

The first people to raise their objections to the secret negotiations the ANC held with representatives of the white minority government were those in the PAC led by its second president the late Zeph Mothopeng who also rejected a contrived meeting with Mandela in Harare orchestrated by Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe.

Another one was PAC founding member who was also the longest-serving political prisoner on Robben Island, Jeff Masemola.

When he was released from Robben Island in October1987, Mandela asked Masemola to be flown to a house at Victor Verster Prison where he had been staying after he was removed from Robben Island in 1981 and moved to Pollsmore Prison then to a house of a former prison warder at Victor Verster Prison to persuade Masemola to be part of the sellout deal.

Masemola flatly refused and advised Mandela that he (Mandela) could not negotiate from a position of weakness.

Six months down the line on April 17, 1990, Masemola died in a mysterious car accident.

The death of Masemola bore all the hallmarks of an assassination.

It has come to light that during these secret negotiations between Mandela and former apartheid government leader FW de Klerk, there were MI6 and CIA agents acting as facilitators.

Furthermore, MI6 had its presence in ANC camps during the ANC’s time in exile and that currently MI6 has a big office in South Africa.

Two books “MI6: Fifty Years of Special Operations” by Stephen Dorril and “The Big Breach” by former MI6 officer Richard Tomlinson reveal that Mandela was an MI6 agent which protected him from assassination attempts.

In the early 1990s after visiting several Western capitals, Mandela said African people had unrealistic expectations and that the fears of white people were legitimate.

This prompted my Kenyan friend Kiome Irungu to say “they have given Mandela the last supper”.

Mandela also relaxed exchange controls so that big companies such as Anglo American and De Beers could move their money out of the country and listed in stock exchanges of Britain and other Western capitals.

In a book published in 2012 titled “Lost in Transformation”, Professor Sampie Terreblanche reveals “manoeuvres and backroom strategies concocted by American and British companies with a presence in South Africa, in collaboration with the country’s Mineral Energy Complex (MEC) to circumvent the ANC’s future policies”.

He exposes secret negotiations and deal-making which occurred behind the scenes which we in the PAC spoke about from the mid-1980s and earlier when PAC political prisoners like Masemola observed Mandela being picked up from Robben Island and brought back late in the evening or sometimes the following day.

When this raised eyebrows and was exposed, Mandela was removed from Robben Island in 1981 permanently.

Terreblanche reveals that from 1990, Nelson Mandela and Harry Oppenheimer, who owned most of South African mines, met regularly for lunch or dinner and from early in the 1990s the MEC met regularly with a leadership core of the ANC at Little Brenthurst, Oppeinheimer’s estate.

When other corporate leaders joined the secret negotiations on the future of the economic policy of South Africa, the meetings were shifted to the Development Bank of Southern Africa and took place during the night.

Threats were also made that the US had the ability to disrupt South Africa’s economy should the ANC not toe the line.

What should the native South African do? What should his government do?

The native must remove the corrupt ANC government from the levers of power.

The ANC rigs elections with the complicity of Western powers.

They began by rigging the first elections in 1994 because there was no voters’ roll. ANC leaders knew that they were throwing the African people headlong in a precipice. The education system is in shambles.

There is no decolonisation programme that’s taking place. Instead they expend their energies in preaching reconciliation.

There can be no reconciliation without justice and reparations for the crimes of colonialism and apartheid.

• Sam Ditshego is a Fellow at the Pan Africanist Research Institute.