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NOVEMBER 22, 2017: Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa returns from exile after fleeing Zimbabwe following his sacking from the Vice Presidency the previous fortnight by the then President of Zimbabwe and the ruling party, Robert Mugabe.

His sacking in a ruthless purge does not only expose him to the political elements, but also grave personal danger as his official security details are withdrawn, making him an easy target for attacks or possible assassination.

So real and present is the danger that Mnangagwa makes good his escape through one of the borders into a neighbouring country. With his safety guaranteed, Mnangagwa appraises the nation that he is safe and is going to return to the land of his fathers to lead the country.

In his absence, on the night of November 14, the Zimbabwe Defence Forces moves in to restore sanity, irked by what has been obtaining in the ruling party with the capture of the President by a cabal of criminals and politically ambitious upstarts going by the moniker G40 and personified in Grace Mugabe, Saviour Kasukuwere, Jonathan Moyo and Patrick Zhuwao. The November 14 intervention triggers a seismic shift in the tectonic arrangement of the country’s politics.

Long time ruler Mugabe is restricted to his home in Borrowdale while a number of the G40 cabal are rounded up by the new sheriffs in town under the military’s “Operation Restore Legacy” who also allow Zimbabweans to march in Harare and other places to both express support for the army’s actions and to show Mugabe and the criminal gang around him that the time is up.

Not that Mugabe will accept that lying down: a whole process takes place to negotiate the inevitable. And when it seems that Mugabe may not be amenable to a negotiated ouster, his party initiates a process of impeachment that takes place on November 21, but the process is voided by the veteran leader proffering resignation through the notification of the Speaker of the National Assembly.

This historic event paves way for the triumphal return of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa as the President-designate.

The Zimbabwe Defence Forces’ “Operation Restore Legacy” allowed Zimbabweans to march in Harare and other places in the country on November 18, to both express support for the army’s action and to show former President Cde Robert Mugabe that the time was up

Down with the Enemy

Yes, his return has all the hallmarks of Jesus’ triumphant return to Jerusalem. Forgive us for that little blasphemy. But Mnangagwa is welcomed home by a legion of supporters from the airport right to the Zanu-PF headquarters.

Mnagagwa has over a period stretching to a year won hearts for his calm in the face of adversity and life-threatening travails at the hands of the G40 cabal with Grace Mugabe leading a ruthless charge against the party’s No.2 and veteran politician in his own right.

And people’s opinions — and sympathies — have also increasingly swayed in favour of the underdog who is under a barrage of attacks from the G40 cabal.

And power

Which attacks are beginning to boomerang and ricochet — as witnessed in Bulawayo where dissent is openly expressed, precipitating Zimbabwe’s historic events that ushered Mnangagwa to power.

Mnangagwa emerges the winner and that fine evening at the Zanu-PF Headquarters he basks in the glory. It is the glory of his party. The glory of his supporters. A dance at his own party — and to his own victory song. Then amid congratulations, adulations and promises he chants his trademark, “Pasi nemhanduuuu!” slogan.

“What about us?”

Here we begin to notice a serious discombobulation.

It would seem that a section of Zimbabwe’s body politic have not yet grasped the import of Zanu-PF self-correcting through the processes that have just unravelled — including the interference of the army in a dynamic of political-military complex that has characterised the ruling party since 1966.

Granted, there is a sobering reality about the raison d’etre of the army as the revolutionary guard. Yes, the stockholders. And when Mnangagwa calls out the mhandu, the little mhandus in the opposition whimper with hurt.

“Though we know his targets, the man needs advice on what the country wants. His statement shows that he will not forgive anyone and it contradicts the ZDF statement and it divides the nation,” says one Kurauone Chihwayi for the smaller MDC.

Obert Gutu, spokesperson of the other MDC faction, describes this as “politics of thuggery, intolerance, intransigence, and patronage” while Joice Mujuru’s NPP says: “It is unfortunate for Mnangagwa to make such statements given the fact that the resignation of Mugabe has been a result of the collective will by Zimbabweans hence destructive political slogans were not allowed during the solidarity march of the 18th of November 2017.”

A politics without identity

And from here it is not hard to note that there is a desperate attempt to strip Zimbabwe’s politics of its totems, identity, labels and indeed its slogans. It is as though that Mugabe was the father of political identities: those for him and against him. Curiously, it is those in the opposition, the losing opposition, who are too keen in this disrobing of our politics.

As indeed is shown in the following days when there seems to be expectations for another inclusive Government that features the opposition and the ruling party.

Yes, even Morgan Tsvangirai who has been bedridden in South Africa finds his feet and flies to Harare in apparent anticipation of another negotiated political settlement that possibly divests the need for elections — scheduled for 2018 — and gives political elites mandates to govern us without seeking our consent.

For his inauguration ceremony, Mnangagwa is the bigger, magnanimous man and invites other political figures in the country, Tsvangirai, Joice Mujuru and others included. Arthur Mutambara, too.

That is November 24. In the next few days some wait with bated breath for the new inclusive Government featuring members of the opposition, technocrats and perhaps even youth activists.

Only it does not come to pass. A week later we have a decidedly Zanu-PF cabinet — and boy, there is a lot of whimpering about the composition of the new team, which only dies down with the dropping off of poor Lazarus Dokora and reassignment of others.

On a technicality, that is, but who cares!

The hullabaloo over cabinet appointments is also significant in demonstrating yet again the growing desire for an identity-less politics.

Or is it exactly premised on such good faith?

Special Advisor to the President, Christopher Mutsvangwa helpfully tells us that it was the desire of the country’s leader to include some men and women from the MDC-T, Tsvangirai’s party, only to be scuppered by Tsvangirai himself because he demanded a post in the presidium and swung a dangerous axe in the air for anyone who dared join the new Government from his party.

Which brings a whole new perspective to the debate. Are opposition supporters and officials that have seemingly clamoured for a new kind of politics — the totem-less politics — sincere — or it is just convenient now at the time the opposition is in mortal decline?

It is worth remembering that now that Mugabe is gone, the opposition has been robbed of a key message while the reform agenda of the new administration is also sweeping the vestiges of opposition campaign agenda.