On your marks, get set . . . !

Mpofu CartoonKnowledge Mushohwe
However, not all cartoons have this unique quality because some scarcely make reference to specific events.
But one editorial cartoon published by The Herald on May 16, 2008, making reference to a looming presidential run-off between President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai scheduled for June 27 the same year, was spot on.
It shows President Mugabe and his rival preparing to race.
The first round of the election contested on May 29 had not produced a clear winner with more than half the votes as required by Zimbabwe’s laws, therefore a run-off date between the two fierce political rivals was set.

The editorial cartoon used a race track as a metaphorical representation of the run-off.
Similar to an athletics race, the objective of the run-off was to produce just one winner.

The “athletes” are depicted squatting in the official starting position, seemingly possessing similar physical attributes and ready torace.
The major difference between the two candidates may be identified in the language and text employed in the editorial cartoon.
A thought bubble above Tsvangirai’s head discloses the opposition leader’s opinions.

He mentions three factors that were in place and supposedly enhancing his chances of winning the election.
They are sanctions, BBC/CNN media onslaught and NGO canvassing.

Following a land reform exercise characterised by isolated but consistent incidents of violence during the 2000 elections in Zimbabwe, Western countries, led by former colonial master Britain and subsequently the European Union and United States, applied sanctions on Zimbabwe.

The sanctions were said to be “smart” or “targeted”, insinuating that they only affected Zimbabwe’s ruling class.
However, several Asian and African countries – including China, Malawi, South Africa, Namibia – openly opposed the sanctions, insisting they hurt ordinary Zimbabweans.

Tsvangirai and his party supported the sanctions and at one point even asked South Africa to also impose sanctions on Zimbabwe.
The British government, however, gave credence to Zanu-PF’s assertion that the sanctions were less about concern for human rights but more about effecting an illegal regime change in Zimbabwe.

In 2004, the then British Prime Minister Tony Blair told the House of Commons: “We work closely with the MDC on the measures that we should take in respect of Zimbabwe, although I am afraid that these measures and sanctions, although we have them in place, are of limited effect on the Mugabe regime. We must be realistic about that. It is still important … to put pressure for change on the Mugabe regime.”

Blair added, with a tinge of regret, that he would have loved to topple President Mugabe militarily, but pointed to support from fellow African leaders for the Zimbabwe government as his major impediment.

There is little doubt that the sanctions gave Tsvangirai and his party an upper hand on the Zimbabwe political landscape as the economic downturn attributable, among other things, to sanctions was blamed on President Mugabe’s administration.

By the time Zimbabwe held its harmonised elections in 2008, CNN and BBC had not reported from Zimbabwe for seven years, having been accused by authorities in the country of biased reportage against the Government.

The Zimbabwe Government accused the two media houses and other foreign media of fabricating negative stories on Zimbabwe and open support for the opposition.

Representatives of the foreign media showed their open sympathy for the opposition at a Press conference in 2008 when an MDC senior member erroneously pronounced Tsvangirai as the winner of the presidential election.

They reacted to the claims with rapturous applause.
The two media houses, CNN and BBC, however, continued to report on, and at times under cover, from Zimbabwe.
Most of their reports were considered to be complete fabrications meant to tarnish the Government’s image and improve the opposition’s standing.

The Government also had reservations with foreign-funded non-governmental organisations it accused of using a food distribution programme that was underway at the time as a result of chronic food shortages to solicit support for Tsvangirai.

President Mugabe, specifically referring to the presidential run-off, alleged: “Food assistance is required … (but) NGOs were cashing in on that and coming to you saying, ‘We are feeding you so don’t vote ZANU-PF, vote the MDC instead’.”

The Government alleged that all of the above were orchestrated with the help and blessing of Tsvangirai.
The words on the extreme right of the cartoon caption, taking the “athletes” through the starting rituals but attributed to a figure outside the composition, show the source is the controller of the race with the power to start it.

This means they are coming from the regulator of the elections, ZEC. They are a sign to show the start of the race is imminent and reflect the time the cartoon was published.

Tsvangirai’s face is highly animated, with numerously expressive strokes punctuating it.
The caricatures and distortions feed into the stereotypical representations pronounced by the composition.

Tsvangirai is seen as an anxious politician, not confident in his own abilities, but counting on outside help to help him win.
President Mugabe is depicted as a calm and focused politician who keeps his cards close to his chest.
Unlike his rival, he is focused on the race and does not utter a word.

He is portrayed as the perfect candidate, hence the idealised personality emphasised by the facial features.
There is no sign of satire or irony in the composition.

It acknowledges the formidability of Tsvangirai’s challenge, largely because of the unfair advantages indicated earlier.
However, the cartoonist, perhaps prompted by the first round results that showed President Mugabe in second place for the first time in Zimbabwe’s political history, gives the two rivals identical physical prowess but adds advantage, however unfair, to Tsvangirai.

 

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