2010, the liberation movements resolved to meet on the sidelines of annual Sadc summits so that they can return to the centre of the activities of the regional bloc they forged from the template of the Front Line States.
The communiqué released at the end of the Dar es Salaam summit, naturally noted that the coming together of the liberation movements had its historical basis in the Front Line States, that spearheaded decolonisation and formed the core of the Southern Africa Development Co-ordination Conference, the forerunner of Sadc.
Since the Dar es Salaam meeting, the liberation movements’ summits have been held a week before the annual Sadc summit amid plans to merge the dates from this year onwards.
It is strategic that such meetings precede the annual Sadc summits so that leaders can be reminded of the objectives of Sadc that of late seems open to reactionary forces keen to hijack the bloc for neo-colonial agendas.
We saw this with the so-called Sadc Tribunal that was southern African in name only but was beholden to the interests of outsiders. The region must be commended for seeing the tribunal for what it was.
It is unfortunate that the bulk of the regional bloc’s operational budget is met from donor funds. For instance it is envisaged that only a third of the outlook budget                  for 2012/13 will be met by member states while the other two thirds will come from donors.
This situation leaves Sadc open to the whims and caprices of outsiders who may attempt to set its agenda as we saw with the Sadc Tribunal.
Such donor-dependency is ominous in light of reports that the United States has forecast that southern Africa will become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East during the decade 2010 to 2020.
As we have seen in the Middle East, the US will stop at nothing to lay its hands on resources and the establishment of a standing army, the so-called US Africa Military Command (Africom) is a wake up call for Sadc member states, particularly the surviving liberation movements.
Liberation movements that remain at the helm of governments are Zanu-PF, the MPLA of Angola, ANC of South Africa, Chama Cha Mapinduzi of Tanzania, Frelimo of Mozambique, Swapo of Namibia, and the Botswana Democratic Party.
The United National Independence Party of Zambia, and the Malawi Congress Party were deposed by post-independence parties, some of which had no respect for the liberation legacy.
It is providential that Zambia is retracing its roots through the Patriotic Front that cherishes that legacy of total independence and sovereignty. 
The surviving liberation movements must thus brainstorm so that they avoid the fate that befell Unip and the MCP that have virtually gone the way of the dodo.
Our region has been dubbed the Persian Gulf of Minerals, and is very strategic to Western powers that will stop at nothing to plunder resources.
They are especially keen on pliant regimes that kow-tow to their interests and work to depose any governments that threaten their designs.
This is why Zimbabwe is in Western crosshairs as it is deemed to pose ‘‘an unusual and extraordinary threat’’ to such expansionist policies.
Today its Zimbabwe tomorrow it can be any Sadc member state that dares redistribute the means of production for the benefit of indigenous people.
We have what it takes to fund the operations of Sadc but fail to do so because our resources are largely held by and benefit outsiders.
As long as we have the crown minus the crown jewels, the liberation movements must know that the struggle continues.
It’s not yet Uhuru.

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